Santana's family origins and early life helps explains the aspects of his public career. He was born in 1801 in the town of Hincha (now Hinche), near the border with Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti), a town that precisely in those days began to be occupied by Toussaint Louverture, who claimed the application of the Treaty of Basel from 1795, through which Spain transferred Santo Domingo to France. Due to the insecurity that had erupted, Santana's parents, Pedro Santana and Petronila Familias, (both Dominicans of Canarian origin), who were from the upper sectors of livestock owners known as hateros, decided to move to other villages further to the east. First they stayed for a certain time in Gurabo, around Santiago; Then they settled in Sabana Perdida, near the capital, and from there, they settled permanently in El Seibo.^[3] Because of their constant moving, they were able to survive the Beheadings of Moca, initiated by Jean-Jacques Dessalines during the failed invasion in 1805.

Santana came from a military background. His father was a militia captain who had fought in the Battle of Palo Hincado under General Juan Sánchez Ramírez in 1808. This battle was crucial in the War of Reconquista, in which Dominicans erupted in revolution against the occupying French forces, led by Jean-Louis Ferrand, who arrived in 1802 after the capture of Toussaint Louverture. During the Battle, Captain Santana went down in history for beheading Louis-Ferrand after his suicide, and taking his head as a trophy.^[4]

Upon settling in El Seibo, the elder Santana acquired the El Prado herd in partnership with his friend Miguel Febles, who had also emigrated from Hincha. Since they had to abandon their lands, life for Santana's family was hard at first. It has been recalled that during the years they lived in Sabana Perdida, Pedro and his twin brother, Ramón, frequently traveled to the capital city to sell firewood. But things would gradually improve for the Santana. Soon the death of his father and Fables, a marriage agreement was made to prevent the property from being divided: Pedro married Febles' widow, Micaela Rivera, even though she was 15 years his senior, while Ramón married Rivera (and Febles') daughter, Floriana Febles. Because of these marriage, the Santana brothers would acquire moderate wealth as well as inherit a great influence in El Seibo. Although, the Santana brothers did not live in a luxurious environment. In truth, the life of the hateros was rustic, and they, like many others, lived in houses of palm boards and cane roofs. They had to work diligently all day to increase their wealth, accompanying the laborers in their usual tasks. It was for these reasons why, despite his social position, Santana could not educate himself.^[4]

Haitian regime edit

In 1822, when Santana was 20 years old, Haitian president Jean-Pierre Boyer occupied Santo Domingo and integrated it into the Republic of Haiti. He took advantage of the declaration of independence that creoles from the city of Santo Domingo, led by José Núñez de Cáceres, had made weeks before. During the first years, the Haitian regime applied a policy of certain revolutionary content: it abolished slavery, confiscated the property of the Catholic Church and large absentee landowners, and distributed plots of land among the freedmen and all those who acquired them. Although this policy was abandoned a few years later, the hateros maintained position of animosity towards the Haitian regime. As they continued to feel Spanish, they considered that the only solution consisted of the return of the sovereignty of the "Motherland."^[5]

The Santana brothers did not hide their position against the Haitian regime, an attitude explainable by the fact that their parents had lost their land in Hincha and had been forced to emigrate in ominous conditions. Ostensibly, they refused to collaborate with the occupying Haitian rulers, so they opted to stay apart in the work of the herd. Their animosity towards Haitians was increased by the cattle thefts that they attributed to marauders of that nationality. Inside the ranch, Santana imposed a regime of order and discipline that constituted the main experience that he later applied in public affairs. As a general (and later president), Santana operated in a similar way to how he did in El Prado directing the peons.^[5]

Independence conspiracy edit

When the Haitian State entered into crisis following the fall of President Boyer, in 1843, another group of Dominicans, La Trinitaria, decided to accelerate the work to proclaim independence. On 3 May 1843, the Santana brothers were considered by their leader, Juan Pablo Duarte, for the conspiracy that sought the separation of Santo Domingo from Haiti. To that end, they proceeded to contact all those opposed to Haitian rule. Vicente Celestino Duarte, who had commercial activities in Los Llanos, near El Seibo, came into contact with the Santana brothers. Duarte arranged for the granting of the rank of colonel to Ramón Santana, but he declined in favor of his brother Pedro, who had expressed that he was willing to commit himself to the fight against the Haitians on condition that he be placed in a command position. Ramón would tell him: "The boss must be my brother Pedro, who likes to command and knows how to understand people well; I am content to serve under his orders from him." Through Juan Esteban Aybar y Bello, the independence plan would be communicated to Pedro, and his cooperation would be requested. Pedro replied: "Yes, I am willing to contribute to the Revolution, but I command."^[5]

Although Santana agreed to join the Trinitarios plan, he did not share their political principles. In those days, some prominent figures proposed achieving a French protectorate as the only means to ensure the separation from Haiti. They were known as "Frenchified." Ironically, they began to designate the Trinitarios as "filorios," alluding to their love of philosophy and theater, which they wanted to denote that they were young people disconnected from reality. The search for the protectorate was stimulated by André de Levasseur, the French consul in Port-au-Prince, since his government had the greatest influence in Haitian affairs.^[6]

Due to a conflict with the Haitian Richiez family, the new president of Haiti, Charles Rivière-Hérard, forced the Santana brothers to go to the City of Santo Domingo in front of the Plaza de Armas, since then the Santana brothers had to attend the Palace daily. Hérard, upon meeting Santana, told his officials that he could be the only one capable of attempting a separatist movement. Hérard ordered that the Santana brothers be arrested but they later evaded their guards and managed to escape to Sabana Buey, near the town of Baní, managing to hide in Los Médanos, on a property owned by the couple Luis Tejeda and Rosa Pimentel, from there they went to Loma del Pinto. Hérard offered a reward of 200 gourdes for the denunciation of both.

So, Juan Contreras was sent to Santa Cruz del Seybo for the Santana brothers to sign the manifesto of 16 January 1844 . [ 6 ]

Leader of the Southern Army edit

At the end of 1843, after difficult negotiations, the Trinitarios, now led by Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, reached an agreement with a sector of the Frenchified conservatives, led by Tomás Bobadilla. Both leaders wrote the Dominican Act of Independence, which called for the proclamation of the Dominican Republic as a fully sovereign state. To achieve independence, the support of influential people in all corners of the country was sought. As required, the Santana brothers were entrusted with guaranteeing the success of the movement in El Seibo - the main town in the eastern region. Hours before Sánchez proclaimed the birth of the Dominican Republic on 27 February 1844, Pedro and Ramón Santana took the town of El Seibo. Immediately, the twins arranged the recruitment of a troop of laborers and peasants who were to march towards Santo Domingo. New recruits joined them everywhere they passed, which showed that, from the first moment, independence enjoyed the enthusiastic support of the Dominican population.^[6]

The Seibana troops began to have a decisive weight in the new State's ability to defend itself against the Haitian threat, which is explained by the life and work habits linked to livestock production. The westerners distinguished themselves as excellent horsemen and spearmen, essential qualities in the work process of the primitive livestock farming practices in the region. In the military actions against Haiti, the military superiority of the Dominicans was largely due to the use of knives and cavalry, which compensated for the smaller number of soldiers and the inferiority of weapons. In a tumultuous manner, the troops proclaimed Santana general in chief, valuing his leadership skills and as a sign of recognition of the social influence he enjoyed. The Central Government Board, the first Dominican government, had only confirmed him with the rank of colonel that Duarte issued him; But since it was not disputed that he was the figure with the best command capacity, he was assigned to the leadership of the Southern front with the rank of general.^[7]

After he obtained weapons and ammunition, Santana hurriedly headed southwest, as it was learned that the president of Haiti, Charles Hérard, was marching towards Santo Domingo at the head of 20,000 soldiers. With barely 3,000 men, the Dominican general prepared to confront the Haitian army on the outskirts of Azua. On March 19, the Haitian advance guards were repulsed, perhaps because they did not expect bitter resistance. This victory, although small, raised the morale of the Dominicans and expanded the perception that many were already beginning to have that the only person who met the conditions to defeat the Haitians was Pedro Santana. Without a doubt, Santana had skills for war, although it cannot be accepted that his person was essential. This vision was the result of circumstances and the need that human groups often show to entrust their fate to figures that they elevate to a predestined place. Santana's military capacity cannot be understood apart from the potential for sacrifice of the people, the true hero of independence.^[8] This disposition manifested itself in the following years, when a large part of the adult male population had to remain for long months at the borders, withdrawing from productive activities, which worsened the chronic state of poverty. Another factor that contributed to facilitating the triumphs of the Dominican arms was the lack of motivation of the Haitian soldiers because they did not defend their freedom. Santana's military conception was characterized by prudence, a criterion that he maintained until the end of his days. Immediately after the clash with the Haitian army on March 19, he ordered the withdrawal to Sabana Buey, between Baní and Azua. Charles Hérard entered Azua without resistance, and during the following weeks, the contending parties remained on standby, although some Haitian advance guards were stopped. Hérard did not want to advance for fear of what might happen in Haiti, as supporters of the deposed President Boyer plotted to overthrow him.^[9]

Given the stagnation of operations, Juan Pablo Duarte, returned from his exile in Venezuela and confirmed in the rank of general, requested to be assigned to the southern front, where he was appointed as alternate chief alongside Santana. Divergences between the two immediately emerged, when Duarte considered that it was necessary to go on the offensive, to which Santana opposed, asserting his opinion. The Central Government Board, which had a conservative majority, decided to call Duarte back to the city of Santo Domingo.^[10]

Civil war against the Trinitarios edit

Santana's defensive posture is not explained only by military reasons. Equally important was his lack of confidence in the possibility that the Dominicans would be able to consolidate independence on their own. In the letters that he exchanged in those days with Tomás Bobadilla, president of the Central Government Board, it is noted that he saw military resistance as a means to buy time before the protectorate of France was achieved. On March 8, with Duarte still abroad, the Central Government Board had agreed to request French protectorate in the event of a Haitian attack. In his letters, Santana pressed for the negotiations to be speeded up, even after the Haitians withdrew following the overthrow of Hérard in early May.^[10]

Despite the immediate dilution of the Haitian danger, Bobadilla gave a speech on 26 May 1844, in which he called for the establishment of the French protectorate, a position that exacerbated internal disagreements among the Dominicans. On 9 June, the Trinitarios, under the leadership of Duarte, expelled the conservatives from the Junta Government. The presidency of the organization passed into the hands of Sánchez, and Duarte was sent to Cibao to obtain support for the new government. In Santiago, Matías Ramón Mella, one of the most renowned Trinitarios, proclaimed Duarte president of the Republic, with the assent of the majority of prestigious people. As head of the southern expeditionary column, the largest troop in the country, Santana initially maintained a cautious attitude. He even submitted his resignation, citing poor health; but when Colonel Esteban Roca arrived, sent by the Junta to replace him, the troops, incited by Colonel Manuel Mora, became insubordinate and proclaimed exclusive obedience to Santana. Thus the danger of a civil war between liberals and conservatives, represented by Duarte and Santana, arose. When he considered that there was no imminent threat that the Haitians would return, and after leaving small garrisons at points near the border, he decided to return to Santo Domingo in order to overthrow the Junta. The increase in Santana's belligerence has been explained by the sudden death of his brother Ramón, who was his advisor and had positions favorable to understanding with the liberals. When the troops from the south appeared before the walls of the city, the head of the garrison, José Joaquín Puello, decided not to resist, given Santana's promises that he had no hostile intentions. However, within a few hours the Board was deposed, some of the Trinitarians imprisoned, and a new Board was formed under the presidency of Pedro Santana. The influential sectors of Cibao decided to recognize the new government entity to prevent a secession that could be taken advantage of by Haitians. Duarte and his closest companions were deported from the country in perpetuity.^[11]

First presidency edit

Since he was installed as president of the Central Government Board, Santana came to hold broad powers. In general, conservatives saw their preeminence as a means of preventing liberals from threatening their hegemony. Now, during the first years Santana had to take into account the positions that were expressed in his political-social sector, since he did not yet have unquestionable leadership; As will be seen, he built it with the help of the myth of the invincible military leader.^[12]

From the beginning, Santana tried to expand his margin of control over the country as much as possible, preferring to leave power in case an attempt was made to reduce his powers. This became evident on the occasion of the installation of the Constituent Assembly, in October and November 1844. The members of the assembly, almost all conservatives, decided to move to San Cristóbal in order to limit possible pressure from Santana. Even the drafter of the constitution, Buenaventura Báez, leader of the French supporters, proposed that the constituents themselves proclaim the inviolability of their function. The Constitution of San Cristóbal, approved on November 6, designated Pedro Santana as president for two consecutive terms, but his powers were restricted in accordance with the separation of powers. Santana refused to receive the presidency under such conditions and, advised by Tomás Bobadilla, demanded the inclusion of article 210, a legal monstrosity that entitled him not to be held accountable for his actions. Legally, Article 210 made him a dictator, and Santana frequently relied on it to execute those who dared to defy the order. The first episode of this kind occurred shortly after the proclamation of the constitution.^[13]

Some liberals tried to put together a movement to remove the secretaries of state, which was considered a conspiracy by Santana, so he ordered the establishment of special courts, one of which sentenced María Trinidad Sánchez, aunt of Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, his brother and two more people, all of them executed on February 27, 1845, in a macabre commemoration of the anniversary of independence. A few years later, in 1847, a new conspiracy led by the Secretary of the Interior, José Joaquín Puello, was discovered, whose purpose was to depose Santana. Extraordinary judicial procedures were set in motion again, and Puello, his brother Gabino and other people were shot. These executions were part of the establishment of a repressive regime, in which any infraction could be punished with capital punishment; even small-scale theft fell under the prescription of this penalty. As a warning, the elderly Bonifacio Paredes was shot in El Seibo accused of having stolen a bunch of bananas.^[14]

The dictatorship generated more and more rejection. The tyrant even confronted the Church, when he rejected the institution's requests for the return of property that had been confiscated by the Haitians. Despite his status as a practicing Catholic, he could not resist the priests trying to overshadow him. In this environment, General Manuel Jiménes, Secretary of War and who had been a Trinidadian, set up a new conspiracy. Faced with signs of growing discontent, Santana took refuge in El Prado and some time later presented his resignation, on August 4, 1848. It was clear that he preferred to leave power rather than endure unpleasant opposition. He saw himself as a predestined general, standing above the pettiness of politics. However, he always oscillated between the passion for absolute power and the pleasure of private life in the countryside, so when he resigned, he dedicated himself to enjoying the pastoral atmosphere of El Prado, as he would do again on subsequent occasions.^[15]

Second presidency and clashes with Buenaventura Báez edit

Manuel Jiménes was elected by the chambers to the presidency. He immediately enacted an amnesty and the exiled Trinitarios were authorized to return to the country, which all of them did except for Duarte. But the liberal atmosphere promoted by the second Dominican president did not last long due to the invasion of Faustin Soulouque, who became president of Haiti two years earlier. Jiménes appointed General Antonio Duvergé, one of those who had most distinguished himself in previous campaigns, as chief of the southern troops. As Soulouque had gathered impressive forces, panic gripped the population of Santo Domingo and it was considered that Duvergé was not properly fulfilling his task. The members of the legislative chambers began to conspire against the president and, at the initiative of Buenaventura Báez, they appointed Santana as head of operations.^[15]

As in 1844, Santana gathered a troop of Seibanos and his mere presence contributed to instilling confidence among the Dominicans. His fame rose definitively when he managed to defeat the Haitian army in the Battle of Las Carreras, on the banks of the Ocoa River, on April 21, 1849, ratifying as never before the certainty that many harbored that Santana's leadership was essential to safeguard independence. A few days after his resounding victory in Las Carreras, the chambers impeached Jiménes and, subsequently, recognized Santana as supreme leader of the nation. In gratitude for his services, he was awarded the title of The Liberator, an honorary saber was donated to him, and his portrait was placed in the government palace, along with those of Christopher Columbus and Juan Sánchez Ramírez. As it was estimated that he had spent a large part of his resources in the defense of the country, he was also granted the exploitation of Saona Island and a house in Santo Domingo was donated to him. At that time, Santana was not interested in resuming the presidency of the Republic, so the chambers focused on appointing Jiménes' replacement. Santana's favorite was Santiago Espaillat, representative of Santiago de los Caballeros, who surely declined because he considered that his authority was going to be limited by Santana's influence, and Buenaventura Báez, who had led the opposition to Jiménes, ended up being elected.^[16]

During his first presidential term, between 1849 and 1853, Báez developed an efficient administration that gained him the support of a small sector of bureaucrats and soldiers. This was intolerable for Santana, who considered that only he should be endowed with power, so he decided to return to the presidency after Báez's four-year term had expired. Shortly after his reinstatement in the presidency, he violently attacked Báez and expelled him from the country, with which Dominican politics became polarized between both characters. Although Santana did not see his immense popularity among the population diminish, all those who questioned him gathered around their enemy. Santana still obtained some respite due to the last Haitian invasion, at the end of 1855, commanded again by Soulouque; Although on this occasion he was not on the battlefields, it was reaffirmed that his supreme leadership was irreplaceable. In that administration he sought to consolidate his prerogatives, through constitutional reforms in February and December 1854. The second was motivated by Santana's demand to strengthen the powers of the Executive Branch, even to a greater degree than that stipulated in Article 210.^[17]

Despite the leadership that the dictator maintained, the Baecistas dedicated themselves to conspiring, making Santana's government actions difficult. General Antonio Duvergé participated in one of the conspiracies, who was tried in El Seibo and shot along with his son, an act that shook the conscience of the country because of the importance that Duvergé had had in the campaigns against the Haitians. Particularly in the city of Santo Domingo, a hostile environment was created against Santana, a situation that took shape following the arrival of the Spanish consul Antonio María Segovia, at the end of 1855. This diplomat ordered that all Dominicans who requested it receive Spanish nationality, so numerous Baecistas registered as Spaniards in order to carry out opposition work against Santana without putting their lives in danger. Later, demonstrations proliferated, which were called populadas; In them, couplets were sung that cursed the figure of the Liberator. Again, Santana chose to resign, as he feared entering into conflict with the delegate of Spain, at all times he was very careful in his relations with the consuls of the powers. In that circumstance he had conceived the lease of the Samaná peninsula to the United States, a power that then had the purpose of taking over the country, but the project had to be revoked due to the pressure exerted by the consuls of Great Britain and France.^[18]

Third Presidency edit

Shortly after Santana's resignation, Báez, his fierce enemy, returned to the country and was appointed vice president, with the clear intention that he immediately replace the provisional president Manuel de Regla Mota.^[18] As soon as he assumed the presidency, Báez ordered the arrest of Santana, deporting him to Martinique on January 11, 1857. Shortly after, on July 7, 1857, a rebellion broke out in Santiago against the Báez government due to a government operation in the acquisition of tobacco that harmed merchants. The leaders of the movement had liberal conceptions and, although they had been friends of Santana, they expressed the intention of inaugurating a new style in the political future of the country, for which they installed a provisional government in Santiago chaired by José Desiderio Valverde. Although they received the support of almost all the populations, they calculated that it would not be easy for them to oust Báez from the presidency, since he had great support in Santo Domingo, a walled city. The Santiago government granted Santana permission to return to the country, soon appointing him in charge of operations against Báez. The siege of the city lasted 11 months, which is a sign of the strength that Baecism had achieved. Santana's new prominence is explained because the Cibaeños lacked military resources; In this way, after concluding the civil war, it became easy for him to depose the Valverde government at the end of July 1858.^[19]

In September, Santana's third and last administration formally began. He found a country in critical condition, after almost a year of civil war. This was expressed in the devaluation of paper money, whose price stood at more than 500 pesos for each peso. It seemed that there were no means for the economy to recover, and discontent grew rapidly again, which was capitalized on by the Baecistas. As part of this deterioration, General Domingo Ramírez, head of the southern border, went over to the Haitians along with some of his subordinates. Conspiracies proliferated again. Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, then a supporter of Báez, was involved in one of them, who had to go into exile. In 1860, the conditions had apparently been met for Santana to leave power and give way again to his archenemy Báez.^[19]

Prelude edit

In such critical conditions, Santana and his assistants conceived the annexation to Spain. Until then, Santana had been a supporter of annexation to the United States, convinced that this power had a better future in the region. Now, the attempts that he had outlined in favor of the United States had failed due to the intervention of the European consuls. Additionally, in 1860, war was seen coming between the Southern and Northern States of the United States. Spain was interested in expanding its colonial power, so the possession of Santo Domingo came to be considered as a means of strengthening control over Cuba and Puerto Rico, which explains why Santana's offers were well received in the ruling circles of Madrid. The United States, which was struggling with the imminence of civil war, could not hinder the negotiations, and the sovereigns of the United Kingdom and France, especially the latter, accepted the return of Spanish sovereignty in Santo Domingo.^[20]

Santana had never abandoned his annexationist conception and did not understand national concepts, convinced of the impossibility of the country moving forward on its own. Although he had previously advocated for the protection of France and annexation to the United States, Spain was actually the ideal solution, because he never stopped considering himself a Spaniard. Furthermore, in 1860, he opted for annexation because he was in danger of being overthrown by the Baecistas. He had no difficulty in obtaining the support of almost all the influential figures in the government administration and in the various regions. However, the negotiations were carried out under strict secrecy. Santana sent General Felipe Alfau, one of his most trusted men, to Spain. Envoys from the governor of Cuba, Francisco Serrano, a highly influential figure in the Spanish government, arrived in the country, and the Dominican Secretary of the Treasury, Pedro Ricart, moved to Havana.^[21]

In an interview between Santana and Antonio Peláez de Campomanes, second corporal of Cuba, held in Los Llanos, the details of the reincorporation to Spain were specified. First, the country would be recognized as an overseas province, which would mean full rights for Dominicans as subjects of the monarchy; What was even more important, slavery, which still existed in Cuba and Puerto Rico, would not be reestablished; Santana would be appointed to head the local administration with the title of captain general and the ranks of the Dominican military would be recognized; Finally, the new metropolis would undertake to exchange the Dominican paper currency, which was considered the main cancer of the economy. These agreements show that the motive of Santana's supporters was to maintain their preeminent positions under the shadow of the Motherland. Additionally, their luck would improve thanks to the increase in salaries. Merchants, mostly of foreign origin, also supported the annexation, understanding that the economic dynamics would experience a substantial improvement.^[22]

Santo Domingo reverts back to a colony edit

Shortly before the annexation was consummated, at the end of 1860, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez and José María Cabral, who had been with Báez in his second administration, launched a manifesto in Saint Thomas denouncing the fact and calling for the overthrow of Santana. Under the leadership of Sánchez, a Revolutionary Junta was formed, made up mainly of followers of Báez. A part of the Baecistas opposed the annexation not because of nationalist principles, but because they had not carried it out. Sánchez and other members of the Junta moved to Haiti in order to obtain support from their government for an expedition.^[23]

In response to this, Santana issued a counter manifesto.

January 21, 1861

DOMINICANS!

The government that always watches over the health of the Homeland did not lose sight of the traitors who were forging their liberticidal plans from abroad: it followed their steps, discovered their secrets and prepared to render their criminal efforts useless. Already today the betrayal is manifest. The coward who has never drawn the sword in defense of the Homeland, the one who shouted that he had been one of the heroes of February 27, he takes as a pretext for disloyalty the defense of the Dominican nationality, the former General Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, in short, seeks today to the Haitians to perhaps ask them to put Domingo Ramírez's plans into action.

DOMINICANS! ALERT, you already see the ties that they set for you, you already know the plans of those men who boast so much about their Dominicanism; who have so often implored and obtained grace; You already see them today, when the Government is preparing to grant an almost general amnesty in their favor, heading to Haiti to demonstrate to you their true intentions, their false patriotism and even the lack of political modesty, which has not allowed others to change their Dominican nationality by that of his perpetual opposites.

ALERT, then, Dominicans, ALERT, comrades in arms, let us be on guard against that liberticidal faction that we will know how to teach once again if it wants to come to disturb our rest.

Trust in the strength of the Government, rest in the deep love for your country that has been for so many years and in so many battles has sealed it with your blood, and hope, finally, in that Providence that has given us Victory so many times: She will protect our weapons; and with them as always, we will win.

The population showed an attitude of expectation regarding what the Spanish regime could bring. A majority national consciousness that favored the existence of an independent State had not yet been established. Furthermore, many people believed that external domination would bring the prosperity that Dominican governments had been unable to achieve. Finally, it must be considered that Santana continued to have the favor of a large part of the population, who saw him as protector of their interests.^[23]

In any case, as national consciousness had already taken hold in minority sectors of the town, acts of opposition were not long in coming, the most important of which was the one led by José Contreras, in Moca. Despite having broad support, in accordance with his style of government, Santana considered it necessary to apply harsh repressive measures. Several of the Moca conspirators led by José Contreras were shot. Afterwards, Sánchez returned to the country in June 1861, when Spanish troops had already arrived, but he did not obtain support from the population; He was captured and shot along with 20 companions by direct order of Santana, who organized the trial in San Juan on 4 July 1861.^[24]

Some of the Spanish officials were opposed to Santana's harshness and disapproved of the executions, which introduced a first factor of discomfort in the brand new Dominican captain general. Shortly after the annexationist regime was established, other reasons for conflict arose between Santana and the Spanish bureaucrats, from the moment in which he had believed, with a certain amount of naivety, that the Spanish government would maintain autocratic prerogatives similar to those it was accustomed to. practice in the Republic. On the other hand, the Spanish bureaucracy came imbued with a spirit of discrimination against Dominicans, and Santana had to take on the defense of his friends, who were generally postponed; This was the case of the generals and other officers of the Dominican army, placed in the reserve, for which they considered themselves humiliated despite having gone on to earn better salaries.^[25]

Santana, accustomed to holding absolute powers, found himself in the position of virtual prisoner of the machinery of Spanish officials. Since it was not feasible for him to recover his prerogatives, and at the beginning of 1862, as he had done on previous occasions, he presented his resignation on the pretext of health reasons. There is reason to speculate that he expected his resignation to be rejected by Queen Elizabeth II, but it did not turn out that way, as he had earned the animosity of the court. The Spanish leaders considered it convenient to weaken Santana as a means of obtaining the support of Báez, who was named field marshal of the Spanish army. In order not to snub him too much, when the resignation was accepted, Santana received the title of Marquis of Las Carreras and the position of senator of the kingdom with a salary of 12,000 pesos. Humiliated and disappointed, he returned back to his old El Pardo ranch.^[25]

Rejoining the Spanish forces edit

Despite the shock that his pride experienced, he never considered abandoning his loyalty to the Spanish regime, which he saw as the culmination of his work and a means to nullify the Haitian threat, avoid internal wars and achieve a regime of order that would guarantee progress. The tranquility that life in El Prado offered him did not last long, because in February 1863 uprisings against Spanish rule broke out in Neiba, Santiago and Guayubín. Santana felt he had the duty to warn that the policy of the Spanish administration was erroneous and would contribute to unleashing the rebellion again, but he was not listened to. In August of that year, the Dominican Restoration War erupted, and in September a national government was formed in Santiago. This situation put Santana under the obligation to once again offer his services to Spain as military leader.^[26]

Despite the disagreements they had had, the Spanish authorities trusted in Santana's military genius and appointed him head of an expeditionary column bound for Cibao. As on other occasions, he recruited a multitude of Seiban peasants, but on this occasion he also placed himself in charge of Spanish officers and soldiers, which was bound to bring him difficulties.The military aura with which he was clothed spread fear among the insurgents. The Restoration government of Santiago commissioned one of the newly appointed generals, Gregorio Luperón, to march promptly at the head of a column to prevent the Spanish army from entering Cibao. Before leaving, Luperón demanded that the government issue a decree declaring Santana an outlaw for treason and sentencing him to death. Santana, however, lost a lot of time and did not advance towards Cibao at a time when the resistance had not yet been organized. Rather, he decided to consolidate his positions in Guanuma, which allowed the restorers to gain time, and Luperón was able to reach the theater of operations just when the Dominican advance guards were fighting with the Spanish, managing to prevent them from ascending the Widow's Chair, a mountain that divided the Cibao of the East. Days later, the troops of the governments of Santo Domingo and Santiago clashed head-on, with Santana and Luperón as their respective leaders. The duel of the two titans dramatically synthesized the struggle between the opposing conceptions that were being debated.^[26]

Fall from power, demotion, and death edit

In effect, if Santana won the battle, the route to Cibao would be opened and the national cause would have been at serious risk. It did not happen that way, since Santana failed to crush the Dominican resistance. The situation of his previous military victories had been reversed, when he fought a troop of Dominicans who were fighting for their freedom. Suddenly the aura of an undefeated general disappeared. Santana chose to reconsolidate his positions in Guanuma, a strategy that portrays his lack of faith and that restaurateurs took advantage of to expand to other regions. The defensive tactic had worked against the Haitians, but it did not work against the Dominicans.^[27]

To the extent that the restoring troops consolidated positions, the contradictions between Santana and his Spanish superiors worsened, to the point that he disobeyed the instructions he received from Santo Domingo. At the beginning of 1864 he refused to comply with the order to retreat towards the walled city. When José de la Gándara was appointed captain general, on March 31, 1864, a clash with Santana became inevitable. When differences emerged, there was a harsh exchange of letters, in which Santana rejected the captain general's commands and threats. He summoned Santana to Santo Domingo at the beginning of June, in order to subject him to contempt proceedings and send him to prison abroad.^[27]

Shortly after arriving in the city, on June 14, 1864, Santana suddenly died. The cause of his death could not be established because, although he had been ill for a long time, he did not appear to be in a serious condition. Various versions have been woven, such as that he was poisoned or that he committed suicide. It has also been thought that he died under the effect of the humiliation of the announcement that Spanish General Villar made to him that he would be sent as a prisoner to Cuba to be later tried in Spain. At the request of his relatives, he was buried in La Fuerza (today known as Ozama Fortress), for fear that the grave would be desecrated.^[27]

Aftermath edit

In July 1865, one year after Santana's passing, the Spanish forces were defeated, and Dominican Independence was restored. After the process of abandoning the island by the Government of the president of the Council of Ministers, Ramón María Narváez, (who was the Duke of Valencia), the deputy Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, (future president of the Council of Ministers and architect of the political system of the restoration) would request that the remains of the Marquis de las Carreras be taken to the peninsula (though this was never carried out):

I beg the Deputies of the majority to fulfill an obligation that Spain has and that we will not be able to fulfill due to the natural distrust, I recognize, that the opposition governments have. I ask the gentlemen of the majority present for an amendment, for any proposition, so that the remains of one of the most distinguished patricians, of one of the greatest glories that this century has seen in this century, are not exposed to the enemy fury of that island. had Spain , General Santana. It is impossible to remember his actions, to have complete knowledge of his patriotism and to have been able to appreciate through authentic documents everything that that noble heart felt and suffered for the cause of Spain , and not experience the feeling that moves me to pronounce these words. Do not leave, no, exposed to the ferocious instincts of his enemies the venerable relics of Santana: the ashes of Columbus have already left Santo Domingo and have stopped in Cuba ! God grant that for a long time! Also take out those of General Santana, and bring these to Spain!

On January 9, 1879, during the presidency of Cesáreo Guillermo, at the request of Froilana Febles, his remains were exhumed and transferred to the Regina Angelorum Church and then in 1890 it was taken to the bell tower of the Cathedral by order of Archbishop Meriño. In March 1931, during the presidency of Rafael Trujillo, they were transferred to El Seibo.

Since 1978 his remains have remained in the Panteón de la Patria by order of President Joaquín Balaguer and since then a pressure group was formed, currently in force, that is determined to exhume the Marquis of las Carreras and among others from his tomb in the Panteón de la Patria. The standard bearers of the cause is the Duartiano Institute.^[28][29]

He is considered a brilliant military strategist, and was a key figure in the successful separation of the Dominican Republic from Haiti. But many historians, such as Nancie L. González and Howard J. Wiarda, think that some of his later actions barred him from becoming a genuine national hero.

• After he drove the Haitian army out of the country in the Dominican War of Independence, he almost immediately moved to eliminate the very Independentists that fought alongside him. Santana felt that the new nation could not survive without being annexed to Spain, which the Trinitarian Independentists did not accept.
• He relentlessly arrested or exiled members of La Trinitaria. The very first person that was forced out of the country was Juan Pablo Duarte, founding father of the new Dominican Republic. He died nobly in Caracas.
• After the campaign of 1849, conflict between Pedro Santana and legendary French-Dominican war hero, General Antonio Duvergé increased. Duvergé was accused of conspiracy against the government of Santana and was executed with his twenty-three year old son, Alcides Duvergé on April 11, 1855. Duvergé was one of the most prominent leaders of the Dominican military, his execution caused ripples around the Dominican community.
• Santana attacked María Trinidad Sánchez, the first heroine of the Republic and aunt of Francisco del Rosario Sánchez of the Founding Fathers of the nation. She and Concepción Bona made the first national flag. Santana imprisoned her, tortured her, and sentenced her to death when she refused to name "conspirators" against him in the newly independent republic. Exactly one year after the proclamation of Independence (February 27, 1845) María Trinidad Sánchez was executed by a firing squad. This made her the first (but not last) female martyr of the republic.^[30] 16 years later, in 1861, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez would suffer a similar fate. He entered the nation through Haiti to confront the annexation, but fell into an ambush, instigated by Santana's followers, and was sentenced to death in a illegal military Trial. Sánchez was hailed as the "Hero of El Cercado."

In contemporary times, debated arose in question of his reputation. In 2018, historians and congressmen of the country met to debate whether or not the remains of Pedro Santana should be kept in the National Pantheon. There were ten panelists of what was called the First Forum of the School of History and Anthropology of the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo (UASD): “Santana, outside or inside the National Pantheon?” Only two of them chose to defend the figure of hero attributed to the first president of the Republic. The remaining eight agree in pointing out him as a tyrant who always acted in defense of the conservative groups he represented. “He was not a traitor because he was not a patriot,” said the historian and director of the General Archive of the Nation, Roberto Cassá.^[31]

Also historian and professor José Vásquez emphasized the phrase by indicating that Santana “is not a traitor because he never believed in independence.” In fact, he never used that word, but rather he spoke of separation.” Both are in favor of Santana's remains being removed from the National Pantheon, so that they are next to those of the same people he killed. The first to speak was Senator Dionis Sánchez, proponent of a bill that is being considered in the National Congress so that the remains leave the National Pantheon. In addition to citing the events that occurred on March 19, 1844, which earned Santana fame, the legislator also recalled decrees 2140 of 1972 and 1383 of 1975, with which the then government of Joaquín Balaguer ordered the transfer of the remains of Santana from El Seibo to the National Pantheon, an event that took place on February 27, 1976. "Pedro Santana was a son of his time, he committed crimes and carried out persecutions and betrayed more than one, he was relentless, brutal and atrocious, but there is no doubt that his actions in defense of the country in such critical moments were transcendental."^[31]

Álvaro Caamaño, with a similar position, recalled that the three-time president of the country was not the only one who fought in the Battle of Azua, and that he always acted with a wrong vision of what the Republic was. He questioned the military glory and the idea of an invincible figure attributed to him, which he described as a myth. While the historian Cassá elaborated on the fact that Santana enjoyed a historical mystification, a “sort of extraordinary blundering falsification” that began from his dictatorial administration and contributed to the annexation of 1861. He considers that the invincibility of the character is not necessary and that it is nothing more than a myth constructed by a political current. He believes that the claim made by Balaguer was due to a strategy of political legalization of the chain of autocrats who have governed the country and of which the reformist leader was a part.^[31]

Teachers Henry Cuello and Manuel Otilio Pérez spoke in favor of Santana. The first insisted on the need to study the character based on the events that surrounded his life, while the second highlighted his military glory and questioned the biased data given on the subject. He recalled that during the Battle of Las Carreras, Santana was called from “emerging to score a lost game and won it.” That is why he defends that his remains remain in the National Pantheon.^[31]

Santana had two brothers, Ramón (b. 29 June 1801) —his twin brother— and Florencio (b. 14 November 1805) —who was paralytic, mute and mentally ill.^[32]

Pedro Santana was engaged to María del Carmen Ruiz, a local beauty, who was thrown from her horse, dying instantly, when her horse shied as she was returning to El Seybo from a pilgrimage to the sanctuary of Our Lady of Altagracia in Higüey. The death of his fiancée sent Santana into a deep depression. His twin brother Ramón, convinced Pedro to accompany him on a visit to his fiancée Froilana Febles, who lived in El Seybo. During his visits to his soon to-be sister-in-law, Pedro fell in love with his brother's future mother-in-law, the much older Micaela Antonia del Rivero, widow of the very wealthy Miguel Febles. This meant that Froilana Febles became Pedro Santana's sister-in-law and stepdaughter at the same time, while Micaela del Rivero became sister-in-law and mother-in-law of Ramón Santana. The Santana-del Rivero marriage was very unhappy, but it gave Pedro Santana influence and power in the Southeastern region.^[32]

His brother Ramón died on 15 June 1844 during the Revolutionary war of Independence.^[33]

After the death of his first wife (his wife died on 12 December 1854), Pedro Santana remarried, this time to Ana Zorrilla, another older, wealthy widow. Because of his marriages to older women, he had no legitimate children.^[34]

Collateral descendants edit

Via Ramón Santana's marriage to Froilana Febles, Pedro Santana had 3 nephews: Manuel (b. 24 March 1833), Francisco, and Rafael Santana (b. 1834-5), and a niece, María de Los Ángeles Santana (b. 1844), whom inherited many of Santana's properties.

Among Rafael Santana and his wife Paula Bobadilla’s descendants are Cardinal Octavio Beras and comedian Freddy Beras-Goico.^{[34][35][36][37]} Actress Gaby Desangles [es] is 3rd-great-granddaughter of Rafael Santana and 4th-great-grandniece of Pedro Santana.

Descendants of his niece, María de los Ángeles Santana Febles, and her husband Isidoro Durán include Minister and former senator José Ignacio Paliza, diplomat Patricia Villegas, and congressman Orlando Jorge Villegas.

On August 24, 1954, during the presidency of Héctor Trujillo, Law 3915 was promulgated, through which the Captain General Santana Order of Heroism was created.

In 1963, the Fortaleza México de San Pedro de Macorís would be renamed Fortaleza General Pedro Santana.^[38]

In the province of Elías Piña, the town of Pedro Santana would be named after him.

Sword of the Liberator edit

During the visit of the Duke de la Torre to Santo Domingo when he was governor of Cuba in August 1861, Santana believed that he could not better express the feeling of gratitude that the most noble Dominicans felt towards Spain, than by offering to the Duke of La Torre the sword that the Domimican Republic had donated to him, but the Duke of La Torre believed himself sufficiently rewarded with the satisfaction of having provided Isabel II and Spain with an illustrious service, refusing to accept the Santana's sword during his life and was only willing to accept it after his death, and that with the intention of then presenting it to Isabel II, in case she deigned to have it placed in the Royal Armory of Madrid .

After Santana's death in 1864, his sword would pass to the Duke of La Torre as stipulated in his will and in February 1865, Colonel José María Velasco would go to Madrid to give him the sword. On March 8 of that same year, the Duke of the Tower gave the sword to Isabel II, who welcomed with gratitude and command that it be placed in her Royal Armory, as a worthy memory of the annexation of Santo Domingo.^[39][40]

On October 17, 1936 in Higüey after the inauguration of the General Santana and Juan Sánchez Ramírez bridges, the Santana's sword was awarded to President Rafael Leónidas Trujillo by the retired archbishop, Adolfo Alejandro Nouel. When he put the sword in Trujillo 's hands, Nouel told him: "I say to you. Hail Father of the Country! Keep this sword so that tomorrow, if necessary - and God forbid - you can defend the homeland of our ancestors."^[41]

Aside from the controversy, the aspacts of his overall character has been called into qiestion by many historians. On June 16, 1861 in the magazine El Panorama Universal the biography of the Marquis de las Carreras would be published in a section where they were described as follows:^[42]

The stature of the Hon. Mr. Pedro Santana is what in common terms is called regular. His face reveals a lot of energy and determined resolution, and his forehead, shaded with hair, is not bulky. His eyebrows are thick and cover a pair of piercing eyes, which spark fire when his passions are irritated. He has a face, but does not wear a mustache, and in his dress he shows a lot of simplicity. He is sweet and gentlemanly, but very cautious in conversation. He listens and weighs his words well before giving an affirmation; but when he is upset or encouraged, he speaks in the strong dialect of his province with rough intonation, without, however, losing control over himself. This remarkable man is in his house entirely moderate and an enemy of ostentation. His serious demeanor could make foreigners believe that he is austere. He has unlimited authority and prestige over his soldiers. He wins their affection by insinuating manners, and commands their respect with the air of authority with which nature has endowed him.

Brigadier Antonio Peláez de Campomanes, who visited him in 1860, said of him that:^[43]

With the courage of a lion he brings together a noble and generous heart, as can be certified by the many orphans and helpless whom he has welcomed into his home, and later established. His honesty is foolproof... "

In the early 1860s the American WS Courtney would describe him, comparing him to the late general Zachary Taylor, in the following way:

Pedro Santana, is the current President, he is a man of about sixty years of age, a Spaniard who has traits of the native Indian, a native of the island, a man of great integrity of character and without a doubt usually honest and sincere. He is a shrewd man, and although he does not have much intellectual baggage, he possesses a good sense of appreciation and much administrative ability. He is always cold and circumspect and very popular with the masses and the old Spanish inhabitants of the island. Although he is not a man of great stature, he is of robust and healthy build and bears a striking resemblance to the late General Zachary Taylor.

Gregorio Luperón, one of the leaders of the Dominican Restoration War, would write about him in the last decade of the 19th-century:

As a moral and honest man, no one has been able to be more so than General Santana in his country. As a soldier he had, from the first day of his career, wonderful penetration, great insight, admirable fortitude, gallant courage and extraordinary energy.

He was a tactician of notable superiority, with a truly organizing spirit, a lover of discipline, with peculiar expertise, great serenity and tireless activity. He was austere, honest, sincere and passionate about order to the point of being inexorable. He constituted a kind of model of the great men of the last century, without being able to enter the law among the moderns.

For General Santana, the freedom of the 19th century was the lightning that burned his forehead and tired his spirit. Democracy frightened him like the desert frightened a pilgrim, and liberalism was its horror. He could never lift his spirit above the darkness of his time or follow the advances of civilization. For him true politics consisted in autocracy, and despotism was his scepter. In it he put all his thoughts, and for its regime he gave his life with true devotion.

He constitutionally governed the nation four times, saving it from the Haitian invasions with great dignity, strength and courage. He founded the army, the navy, probity in the Public Treasury, equity in justice, respect for laws and property; He instilled true morality and honesty in the masses and was the most prestigious and popular leader ever known..

Even his longtime archrival, Juan Pablo Duarte, Father of the Nation, would dedicate a poem to him.

Since 1978, his remains have lain at the National Pantheon of the Dominican Republic.

Santana died childless. He bequeathed his properties to his nephews, his godchildren, and his stepchildren. He included a pension to his disabled brother Florencio and his aunt Dominga Familia.

• Dominican War of Independence
• Dominican Restoration War
• Spanish occupation of the Dominican Republic
• Queen Isabella II
• José de la Gándara y Navarro
• Juan Pablo Duarte
• Juan Sánchez Ramírez
• List of colonial governors of Santo Domingo

• Balcácer, Juan Daniel. Pedro Santana: Historia política de un déspota. Santo Domingo, 1974.
• Martínez, Rufino. Santana y Báez, Santiago, 1943.
• Martínez, Rufino. Diccionario biográfico-histórico dominicano, 1821-1930. Santo Domingo, 1998.
• Molina Morillo, Rafael. Gloria y repudio. México, 1959.
• Rodríguez Demorizi, Emilio. Papeles del general Santana. Roma, 1952.

Additional Bibliography edit

• Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi, General Pedro Santana (1982).
• Cassá, Roberto. Pedro Santana: Autocrat and annexationist. Santo Domingo: Tobogan, 2000.

• Dominican Republic Heads of State
• Pedro Santana Familias (in Spanish) by Miosotis de Jesus